CASE DIGEST: Macapagal-Arroyo v. People of the Philippines [G.R. No. 220598, July 19, 2016]

QUICK LINKS:

Full text of the Decision (Bersamin, J.)

Dissenting opinions:

Sereno, C.J.

Leonen, J.

Concurring and dissenting: Perlas-Bernabe, J.

Plunder Law (Republic Act No. 7080, as amended by Republic Act No. 7659)

FACTS:

Petitioners in this case are former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and former Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO) Budget and Accounts Officer Benigno Aguas.

The Ombudsman charged in the Sandiganbayan with plunder as defined by, and penalized under Section 2 of Republic Act (R.A.) No. 7080, as amended by R.A. No. 7659 the following: (1) GMA, (2) Aguas, (3) former PCSO General Manager and Vice Chairman Rosario C. Uriarte, (4) former PCSO Chairman of the Board of Directors Sergio O. Valencia, (5) former members of the PCSO Board of Directors, and (6) two former officials of the Commission on Audit (COA).

The information read:

…[the] accused…all public officers committing the offense in relation to their respective offices and taking undue advantage of their respective official positions, authority, relationships, connections or influence, conniving, conspiring and confederating with one another, did then and there willfully, unlawfully and criminally amass, accumulate and/or acquire. Directly or indirectly, ill-gotten wealth in the aggregate amount or total value of THREE HUNDRED SIXTY FIVE MILLION NINE HUNDRED NINETY SEVEN THOUSAND NINE HUNDRED FIFTEEN PESOS (PHP365,997,915.00), more or less, through any or a combination or a series of overt or criminal acts, or similar schemes or means, described as follows:

(a) diverting in several instances, funds from the operating budget of PCSO to its Confidential/Intelligence Fund that could be accessed and withdrawn at any time with minimal restrictions, · and converting, misusing, and/or illegally conveying or transferring the proceeds drawn from said fund in the aforementioned sum, also in several instances, to themselves, in the guise of fictitious expenditures, for their personal gain and benefit;

(b) raiding the public treasury by withdrawing and receiving, in several instances, the above-mentioned amount from the Confidential/Intelligence Fund from PCSO’s accounts, and or unlawfully transferring or conveying the same into their possession and control through irregularly issued disbursement vouchers and fictitious expenditures; and

(c) taking advantage of their respective official positions, authority, relationships, connections or influence, in several instances, to unjustly enrich themselves in the aforementioned sum, at the expense of, and the damage and prejudice of the Filipino people and the Republic of the Philippines.

CONTRARY TO LAW

The Sandiganbayan eventually acquired jurisidiction over most of the accused, including petitioners. All filed petitions for bail, which the Sandiganbayan granted except those of the petitioners. Their motions for reconsideration were denied. GMA assailed the denial of her petition for bail before the Supreme Court. However, this remains unresolved.

After the Prosecution rested its case, the accused separately filed their demurrers to evidence asserting that the Prosecution did not establish a case for plunder against them.

The Sandiganbayan granted the demurrers and dismissed the case against the accused within its jurisdiction, except for petitioners and Valencia. It held that there was sufficient evidence showing that they had conspired to commit plunder.

Petitioners filed this case before the Supreme Court on certiorari before the Supreme Court to assail the denial of their demurrers to evidence, on the ground of grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction.

ISSUES:

1.) Procedural Issue: WON the special civil action for certiorari is proper to assail the denial of the demurrers to evidence – YES.

PROSECUTION: The petition for certiorari of GMA was improper to challenge the denial of her demurrer to evidence.

HELD: Certiorari is proper since the Sandiganbayan gravely abused its discretion in denying GMA’s demurrer to evidence.

General rule: The special civil action for certiorari is generally not proper to assail such an interlocutory order issued by the trial court because of the availability of another remedy in the ordinary course of law. Moreover, Section 23, Rule 119 of the Rules of Court expressly provides, “the order denying the motion for leave of court to file demurrer to evidence or the demurrer itself shall not be reviewable by appeal or by certiorari before judgment.”

Exception: “In the exercise of our superintending control over other courts, we are to be guided by all the circumstances of each particular case ‘as the ends of justice may require.’ So it is that the writ will be granted where necessary to prevent a substantial wrong or to do substantial” (citing Ong v. People [G.R. No. 140904, October 9, 2000]).

2.) Substantive Issue: WoN the Prosecution sufficiently established the existence of conspiracy among GMA, Aguas, and Uriarte – NO.

A. As regards petitioner GMA

HELD: The Supreme Court rejected the Sandiganbayan’s declaration in denying GMA’s demurrer that GMA, Aguas, and Uriate had conspired and committed plunder. The Prosecution did not sufficiently allege the existence of a conspiracy among GMA, Aguas and Uriarte.

A perusal of the information (quoted above) suggests that what the Prosecution sought to show was an implied conspiracy to commit plunder among all of the accused on the basis of their collective actions prior to, during and after the implied agreement. It is notable that the Prosecution did not allege that the conspiracy among all of the accused was by express agreement, or was a wheel conspiracy or a chain conspiracy. This was another fatal flaw of the Prosecution.

Section 2 of Republic Act No. 7080 (Plunder Law) requires in the criminal charge for plunder against several individuals that there must be a main plunderer and her co-conspirators, who may be members of her family, relatives by affinity or consanguinity, business associates, subordinates or other persons. In other words, the allegation of the wheel conspiracy or express conspiracy in the information was appropriate because the main plunderer would then be identified in either manner. Citing Estrada v. Sandiganbayan, “The gravamen of the conspiracy charge…is that each of them, by their individual acts, agreed to participate, directly or indirectly, in the amassing, accumulation and acquisition of ill-gotten wealth of and/or for former President Estrada.”

Such identification of the main plunderer was not only necessary because the law required such identification, but also because it was essential in safeguarding the rights of all of the accused to be properly informed of the charges they were being made answerable for.

In fine, the Prosecution’s failure to properly allege the main plunderer should be fatal to the cause against the petitioners for violating the rights of each accused to be informed of the charges against each of them.

PROSECUTION: GMA, Uriarte and Aguas committed acts showing the existence of an implied conspiracy among themselves, thereby making all of them the main plunderers. The sole overt act of GMA to become a part of the conspiracy was her approval via the marginal note of “OK” of all the requests made by Uriarte for the use of additional intelligence fund. By approving Uriaiie’s requests in that manner, GMA violated the following:

a. Letter of Instruction 1282, which required requests for additional confidential and intelligence funds (CIFs) to be accompanied with detailed, specific project proposals and specifications; and

b. COA Circular No. 92-385, which allowed the President to approve the release of additional CIFs only if there was an existing budget to cover the request.

HELD: GMA’s approval of Uriarte’s requests for additional CIFs did not make her part of any design to raid the public treasury as the means to amass, accumulate and acquire illgotten wealth. Absent the specific allegation in the information to that effect, and competent proof thereon, GMA’s approval of Uriarte’s requests, even if unqualified, could not make her part of any criminal conspiracy to commit plunder or any other crime considering that her approval was not by any means irregular or illegal.

a. An examination of Uriarte’s several requests indicates their compliance with LOI No. 1282. The requests, similarly worded, furnished:

(1) the full details of the specific purposes for which the funds would be spent;

(2) the explanations of the circumstances giving rise to the necessity of the expenditure; and

(3) the particular aims to be accomplished.

The additional CIFs requested were to be used to protect PCSO’s image and the integrity of its operations. According to its terms, LOI No. 1282 did not detail any qualification as to how specific the requests should be made.

b. The funds of the PCSO were comingled into one account as early as 2007. Consequently, although only 15% of PCSO’s revenues was appropriated to an operation fund from which the CIF could be sourced, the remaining 85% of PCSO’s revenues, already co-mingled with the operating fund, could still sustain the additional requests. In short, there was available budget from which to draw the additional requests for CIFs.

PROSECUTION: GMA had known that Uriarte would raid the public treasury, and would misuse the amounts disbursed. This knowledge was imputed to GMA by virtue of her power of control over PCSO.

HELD: The Prosecution seems to be relying on the doctrine of command responsibility to impute the actions of subordinate officers to GMA as the superior officer. The reliance is misplaced, for incriminating GMA under those terms was legally unacceptable and incomprehensible.

The application of the doctrine of command responsibility is limited, and cannot be true for all litigations. This case involves neither a probe of GMA’s actions as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, nor of a human rights issue (compare to Rodriguez v. Macapagal-Arroyo [G.R. No. 191805, November 15, 2011]).

B. As regards Aguas

HELD: Aguas’ certifications and signatures on the disbursement vouchers were insufficient bases to conclude that he was into any conspiracy to commit plunder or any other crime. Without GMA’s participation, he could not release any money because there was then no budget available for the additional CIFs. Whatever irregularities he might have committed did not amount to plunder, or to any implied conspiracy to commit plunder.

3.) Substantive Issue: WoN the Prosecution sufficiently established all the elements of the crime of plunder – NO.

A. WoN there was evidence of amassing, accumulating or acquiring ill-gotten wealth in the total amount of not less than P50 million – NO.

HELD: The Prosecution adduced no evidence showing that either GMA or Aguas or even Uriarte, for that matter, had amassed, accumulated or acquired illgotten wealth of any amount. There was also no evidence, testimonial or otherwise, presented by the Prosecution showing even the remotest possibility that the CIFs of the PCSO had been diverted to either GMA or Aguas, or Uriarte.

B. WoN the predicate act of raiding the public treasury alleged in the information was proved by the Prosecution – NO.

SANDIGANBAYAN: In order to prove the predicate act of raids of the public treasury, the Prosecution need not establish that the public officer had benefited from such act; and that what was necessary was proving that the public officer had raided the public coffers.

HELD:  The common thread that binds all the four terms in Section 1(d) of Republic Act No. 7080 together (misappropriation, conversion, misuse or malversation of public funds) is that the public officer used the property taken. Pursuant to the maxim of noscitur a sociis, raids on the public treasury requires the raider to use the property taken impliedly for his personal benefit.

Towards a unifying, progressive anthem

The Congress may, by law, adopt a new name for the country, a national anthem, or a national seal, which shall all be truly reflective and symbolic of the ideals, history, and traditions of the people. Such law shall take effect only upon its ratification by the people in a national referendum.

[Section 2, Article XVI, Constitution of the Philippines]

With the incoming administration’s aim of revising the constitution to shift the form of government to federalism, perhaps it is time to revise or even replace “Lupang Hinirang” to reflect the new vision. After all, there is no stopping the framers of a new Constitution from adopting, or mandating the adoption of, a new anthem.

This post aims to review the current national anthem’s lyrics, and the lyrics of other possible patriotic Philippine songs. It ends with a proposed anthem, or at least what its message should be.

Lupang Hinirang

According to Section 36 of Republic Act No. 8491 (The Flag and Heraldic Code of the Philippines), the following are the lyrics of the national anthem:

Bayang magiliw,
Perlas ng Silanganan
Alab ng puso,
Sa Dibdib mo’y buhay.
Lupang Hinirang,
Duyan ka ng magiting,
Sa manlulupig,
Di ka pasisiil.
Sa dagat at bundok,
Sa simoy at sa langit mong bughaw,
May dilag ang tula,
At awit sa paglayang minamahal.
Ang kislap ng watawat mo’y
Tagumpay na nagniningning,
Ang bituin at araw niya,
Kailan pa ma’y di magdidilim,
Lupa ng araw ng luwalhati’t pagsinta,
Buhay ay langit sa piling mo,
Aming ligaya na pag may mang-aapi,
Ang mamatay ng dahil sa iyo.

The present anthem evokes another symbol of Philippine unity, the blue-white-red-three-stars-and-a-sun flag. It proudly proclaims the love for freedom embodied by the flag. Finally, it ends with resolve to fight for the country and continue the Philippines’ tradition of being the “cradle of noble heroes’ (Land of the morning…). If necessary, the Filipino must be ready to lay down his life.

And this is where I have long-standing reservations regarding the national anthem. It stresses that each Filipino must die. But, if that were the case, who would be left to live for the country? Kailangan ba magpaka-Rizal tayo? Yun lang ba ang pagiging tanda ng bayani? What if our deaths, although glorious, are ultimately pointless?

Pilipinas Kong Mahal

“The flag retreat song,” as my mother calls it, goes:

(A flag retreat is the opposite of a flag raising, done on the last work day before offices close for the weekend)

Ang bayan ko’y tanging ikaw,
Pilipinas kong mahal.
Ang puso ko at buhay man,
sa iyo’y ibibigay.
Tungkulin ko’y gagampanan,
na lagi kang paglingkuran.
Ang laya mo’y babantayan,
Pilipinas kong mahal.

The song stresses loyalty to the country, which is just as important as fighting for it. It also speaks of the duty to guard the country’s freedom, just like the national anthem. It does not call for every Filipino to sacrifice his life to the altar of freedom.

Yet, surely, ensuring the enjoyment of our country’s freedom is not just the duty of every Filipino. What about our own liberties – to be secure in our own persons, to speak our mind, to organize and pursue our individual and collective goals? Also, what directions should our country take? Freedom makes little or no sense if it is not directed towards something.

Ako ay Pilipino

This patriotic song, from the Marcos era (“Isang bansa, isang diwa ang minimithi ko”) goes:

Ako ay Pilipino
Ang dugo’y maharlika
Likas sa aking puso
Adhikaing kay ganda
Sa Pilipinas na aking bayan
Lantay na Perlas ng Silanganan
Wari’y natipon ang kayamanan ng Maykapal

Bigay sa ‘king talino
Sa mabuti lang laan
Sa aki’y katutubo
Ang maging mapagmahal

Chorus:
Ako ay Pilipino,
Ako ay Pilipino
Isang bansa isang diwa
Ang minimithi ko
Sa Bayan ko’t Bandila
Laan Buhay ko’t Diwa
Ako ay Pilipino,
Pilipinong totoo
Ako ay Pilipino,
Ako ay Pilipino
Taas noo kahit kanino
Ang Pilipino ay ako!

The song speaks of the qualities possessed by the Filipino setting him apart from others (ang dugo’y maharlika, likas sa aking puso adhikain kay ganda), describes the Philippines as a land of promise, and stresses his desire for unity and Filipino pride.

However, the Filipino here does not assert what role he plays towards forging that unity.

It is also a reminder to full-blooded Filipinos born in the Philippines who shout “Pinoy Pride!” when reading stories about part-Filipinos who are born and gain success abroad but barely know anything about the Philippines (except maybe the food). Ano ngayon kung Pinoy siya? Pinoy ka rin naman ah.

Never mind that this song was commissioned by Imelda Marcos. Speaking of…

Bagong Pagsilang (March of the New Society)

(Cue the drums)

May bagong silang, may bago nang buhay, bagong bansa, bagong galaw, sa bagong lipunan
Nagbabago ang lahat tungo sa pag-unlad at ating itanghal, Bagong Lipunan

May bagong silang, may bago nang buhay, bagong bansa, bagong galaw, sa bagong lipunan
Nagbabago ang lahat tungo sa pag-unlad at ating itanghal, Bagong Lipunan

Ang gabi’y nagmaliw nang ganap, at lumipas na ang magdamag, madaling araw ay nagdiriwang may umagang darasnan
Ngumiti ang pag-asa sa umagang anong ganda

May bagong silang, may bago nang buhay, bagong bansa, bagong galaw, sa bagong lipunan
Nagbabago ang lahat, tungo sa pag-unlad at ating itanghal, Bagong Lipunan

This song ushered in a “new society”, with calls for change to the old order. Of course, what happened we have completely forgiven and forgotten.

But the song does not indicate what role the Filipino will play in building the new society. Nganganga na lang ba tayo? Anong papel natin? And where does that new society lead to anyway? Saan ba patungo? Sa kawalan rin ba?

Bayan Ko

Ah yes, the protest anthem that has become associated with the Aquinos. The lyrics to this one we are all familiar with:

Ang bayan kong Pilipinas,
Lupain ng ginto’t bulaklak,
Pag-ibig nasa kanyáng palad,
Nag-alay ng ganda’t dilág.
At sa kanyáng yumi at ganda,
Dayuhan ay nahalina;
Bayan ko, binihag ka,
Nasadlak sa dusa.

Ibon mang may layang lumipad,
Kulungin mo at umiiyak,
Bayan pa kayáng sakdál dilág,
Ang ‘dì magnasang makaalpás?
Pilipinas kong minumutyâ,
Pugad ng luhà ko’t dalita;
Aking adhika,
Makita kang sakdál laya!

This song speaks about the Philippines’ promise (meriting more lines than in “Ako ay Pilipino”), how aliens took advantage of that promise, and the Filipinos’ yearning for a free country.

Curiously, like “Bagong Pagsilang”, it does not indicate what every Filipino should do to fight for that freedom. At least “Lupang Hinirang” prescribes making the sacrifice of death.

Magkaisa

This song, composed in the aftermath of the People Power Revolution, has the following lyrics:

Ngayon ganap ang hirap sa mundo
Unawa ang kailangan ng tao
Ang pagmamahal sa kapwa’y ilaan
Isa lang ang ugat na ating pinagmulan
Tayong lahat ay magkakalahi
Sa unos at agos ay huwag padadala

Chorus
Panahon na (may pag-asa kang matatanaw)
Ng pagkakaisa (bagong umaga, bagong araw)
Kahit ito (sa atin Siya’y nagmamahal)
Ay hirap at dusa
Magkaisa (may pag-asa kang matatanaw)
At magsama (bagong umaga, bagong araw)
Kapit-kamay (sa atin Siya’y nagmamahal)
Sa bagong pag-asa

Ngayon may pag-asang natatanaw
May bagong araw, bagong umaga
Pagmamahal ng Diyos, isipin mo tuwina

(Repeat Chorus)

Magkaisa (may pag-asa kang matatanaw)
At magsama (bagong umaga, bagong araw)
Kapit-kamay (sa atin Siya’y nagmamahal)
Sa bagong pag-asa

This song speaks of unity (surprise), and the exhortation to maintain it despite the hardship of the times. Where that unity leads, however, is not stated. Saan ulit patungo ang ating pagkakaisa?

Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo

Another anthem commemorating People Power, this song goes:

‘Di na ‘ko papayag mawala ka muli.
‘Di na ‘ko papayag na muli mabawi,
Ating kalayaan kay tagal natin mithi.
‘Di na papayagang mabawi muli.

Magkakapit-bisig libo-libong tao.
Kay sarap palang maging Pilipino.
Sama-sama iisa ang adhikain.
Kelan man ‘di na paalipin.

Ref:
Handog ng Pilipino sa mundo,
Mapayapang paraang pagbabago.
Katotohanan, kalayaan, katarungan
Ay kayang makamit na walang dahas.
Basta’t magkaisa tayong lahat.

Masdan ang nagaganap sa aming bayan.
Nagkasama ng mahirap at mayaman.
Kapit-bisig madre, pari, at sundalo.
Naging Langit itong bahagi ng mundo.

Huwag muling payagang umiral ang dilim.
Tinig ng bawat tao’y bigyan ng pansin.
Magkakapatid lahat sa Panginoon.
Ito’y lagi nating tatandaan.
(repeat refrain two times)

Coda:
Mapayapang paraang pagbabago.
Katotohanan, kalayaan, katarungan.
Ay kayang makamit na walang dahas.
Basta’t magkaisa tayong lahat!

This song speaks again of freedom and unity. Unlike the other anthems though, unity is not an end in itself. It is a means to attaining freedom, truth, and justice.

Yet, is freedom all there is to it? What about progress, what about collective growth, what about redistributive justice?

Also, the song is aimed at preaching to the outsiders, to those fighting and struggling for their own countries’ liberation. Pang-kami ang pananaw ng awit, hindi pantayo, kung gagamitin ang mga terminong pinanukala ng historyang/mananalaysay na si Dr. Zeus Salazar.

A new anthem

The songs cited talk about unity and freedom and how the country has yearned for it. But it does not detail how each Filipino can attain them. Except of course “Lupang Hinirang”, which prescribes dying for the Philippines, which if taken to the extreme, would become a nation of silence and gravestones.

“Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo” points to the right direction: unity as the road to freedom. But where does freedom lead? The new anthem must point out to that goal.

With these in mind, this is my proposal. To stress the unity aspect, it should be translated to all Philippine languages, and the law should allow it to be sung in the mother tongue of its singers. We are a country of diversity – and after all, there can be unity in diversity.

It is simplistic, yes, but not all symbols need to be metaphorical. The point is – they should not be, lest their message is lost to the ages.

(The song is not set to any music. I find Lupang Hinirang too fast. Perhaps someone skilled in such may provide them.)

Kalayaan ipaglaban

Gamit pagkakaisa

Ialay ang ating buhay

Dugo man o pagsisikap

Pag-unlad isulong natin

Kadilima’y pawiin

Buong tapang ipaglaban

Ang hangad na ginhawa

Para sa isa’t isa!

Para sa bayan!

This post is open to criticism, comments, and suggestions.

Youth Response to “Securing the Country’s Future: A Summit for Change”

Delivered 22 July 2015

To former Chief Justice Reynato Puno, former Secretary Jun Enriquez of Budget and Management and of Finance, sa mga bumubuo ng Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-asa Movement, to the individual and organizational participants of today’s summit, to the different sectors, isang malaya, mapayapa, at magandang hapon sa ating lahat.

Buong kababaang-loob ko pong ikinararangal ang mapiling magsalita para sa kabataan sa pagtatapos ng summit ngayong hapon. Pero batid ko pong kasama sa karangalang ito ang dalawang tungkulin – ang tungkuling kilalanin at suriin ang hakbang na dapat gawin at ang tungkuling hikayatin ang kabataang Pilipino na yakapin ang nararapat na hakbang at ang mga kaakibat nitong responsibilidad.

Nakasalalay ang kinabukasan ng Pilipinas at lahat ng Pilipino sa summit na ito at sa lahat ng kilos para maisakatuparan ang napagkasunduan ngayong hapon. Sana’y malinaw sa ating mga kalahok ang dapat gawin: ipanawagan sa Pangulo, sa Kongreso, at sa ating bayan na napapanahon na ang pagpupulong ng isang kumbensyon o con-con para baguhin ang Konstitusyon ng Pilipinas. Para sa aking kapwa kabataan, alam ba natin na merong ganitong pagtitipon ngayon? Aaminin ko, kung hindi ako naimbitahan ng aking kaibigang si Jerome dela Cruz na magsalita, hindi ko malalaman na meron palang kilusan at ganitong summit. Palakpakan po natin siya. At medyo kinabahan ako nang malamang pagbabago pala ng Saligang Batas ang nais ng Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-asa Movement. Pero sa huli, hindi tayo dapat matakot na yakapin ang pagbabago, kung ito ang unang hakbang tungo sa ikauunlad ng ating bansa at ng ating mga kababayan.

Alam kong hindi basta-bastang aklat lamang ang hawak ko ngayon [raise the 1987 Constitution]. Bagkus, mahalaga ang ating Saligang Batas dahil dito nag-uugat hindi lamang ng istruktura ng ating pamahalaan kundi ng buong lipunan. Sa kanya nakasalalay ang mga kalayaan ng bawat Pilipino, at siya ang nag-aatas ng mga batas at mga adhikaing dapat isakatuparan ng ating Estado. The Constitution is the fundamental and supreme law of the land, an expression of the people’s will as sovereign, and defines not only the balance of power in government but also the arrangement and aspirations of society.

In fairness to our present Constitution, it has been able to perform its intended purpose: to rebuild and strengthen the institutions of Philippine democracy in the shortest time possible after predominantly one-man rule. Let us go back to our history, let us know about it and learn from its lessons. In June 1986, the Constitutional Commission that drafted our present Charter convened for the first time. Its mission? “To hasten the return of normal constitutional government”.[1] Tungkulin ng Komisyong makabuo ng Saligang Batas nang sa gayo’y makapanumbalik ang ating bayan sa normal at demokratikong sitwasyon. The present Constitution guaranteed that no person can ever abuse the powers of government ever again, mandated safeguards and institutions to eradicate graft and corruption, provided for a bill of rights that respected people’s freedoms and policy declarations that the State shall pursue to face the issues of economic development, poverty alleviation, labor, education, and the development of the country’s societal institutions.

Pero, marami nang mga suliraning kailangang harapin na wala pa naman dalawampu’t walong taon na ang nakakaraan. Nandyan ang globalisasyon at ASEAN integration at ang mga kahihinatnan nito, ang pagbabago sa klima ng mundo at ang mga sakunang dala nito (lalo na sa mga bansang gaya natin), at ang pang-aagaw ng ibang bayan sa ating lupain na nagaganap sa loob mismo ng ating bakuran. Patuloy din ang mga suliraning kinaharap noong panahong binubuo ang ating Konstitusyon: ang kahirapan at kagutuman, ang kawalan ng trabaho sa kabila ng paglago ng ekonomiya, ang paghahari ng sentro habang konting pansin lang ang nabibigay sa kanayunan, ang patuloy na pangingibabaw ng mga dinastiyang pulitikal sa halos lahat ng mga pulo ng ating bansa, at ang pagiging mailap ng kapayapaan para sa ating mga kapatid na Muslim, Kristiyano, at lumad o indigenous people sa Mindanao. Halimbawa, hahayaan ba nating masayang ang lahat ng pagsisikap para sa tunay na kapayapaan, dahil lamang hindi tugma sa ating kasalukuyang Konstitusyon ang pinapanukalang batas at pamahaalang parlamentaryo para sa Bangsamoro? It is precisely for our brothers and sisters that we must ensure legal technicalities or limitations will not interfere or thwart the road towards a just and lasting peace in our country.

Sabi nga ni retired Chief Justice Reynato Puno nang ilunsad ang Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-asa Movement noong isang buwan, “Para tayong nasa isang barko, isang barko na napakarami ng butas….[Tapalan man natin ang isang butas], kung hindi natin tatapalan ang iba pa, lulubog at lulubog po ang barko—at iyan po ang bayan natin.”[2] Nais ko pong dagdagan ang ginamit niyang analohiya. Iba na ang uri at lakas ng mga along humahampas sa barko ng ating bayan sa kasalukuyan sa mga alon ng lumipas na panahon. Nararapat na marahil pagtibayin ang ating barko gamit ang ibang materyal, o kaya’y gumawa ng panibagong barko, para harapin ang mga alon at makarating sa nais nating mapuntahan bilang isang lahi, bilang isang bansa. Magagawa lamang ito kung mag-aambag ang lahat ng Pilipino, kung makikilahok tayo at ang ating mga pinuno sa paghuhulma at pagpapatibay ng bagong kasunduan, ng Covenant.

We have already put into place multiple solutions, all the while mindful of the limits in our Charter. We have already persevered through our belief in the Creator and our hard work. In the face of adversity, we have held our ground countless times. Sabi nga pagkatapos ng bagyo, the Filipino spirit is waterproof. But until when and how far ahead can our resilience take us?

The Constitution must not be seen as a straitjacket. Rather, it must be allowed to evolve and be of service to the issues and challenges confronting the present. Kailangan nitong magbago upang makasunod tayong Pilipino sa panahon. Kung hindi, mawawalan lamang ito ng saysay, at mawawalan ng saysay ang lahat ng pinaplanong hakbang para mapaunlad ang ating bayan at lipunan. If a Constitutional Convention and a revision of the Constitution are the steps necessary toward finally addressing many of the country’s long-running ills, then let us not hesitate to call for it. Hindi na pwede ang “pwede na”.

Now that the summit has shown us that the time is ripe for a Constitutional Convention, it’s time I talk about the role the youth will and must play in sounding for its need and in the Convention itself. Why the youth? The reason is simple. There is a need to infuse fresh blood, young heart, and new perspectives to our system. Where else do we start but on the roots? Saan tayo magsisimula kung hindi sa mismong ugat?

Ano ba ang responsibilidad nating kabataan? Balikan ulit natin ang kasaysayan. For the longest time, attempts of changing the Constitution have been feared. Baka daw magamit para pahabain ang pananatili sa kapangyarihan ng sinumang namumuno sa pamahalaan. But, there is nothing to fear, as long as the new Constitution is drafted properly and with no selfish intentions, obvious or hidden. Thus, we, the youth, have the responsibility of safeguarding the integrity of the proceedings. We must ensure that genuine debate takes place on the halls of the Convention, and not railroading or the prevalence of interests other than that of the people as a whole.

But procedure must be followed by substance. Abutin natin ang kapwa mga Pilipino sa buong kapuluan, mula Batanes at Tawi-Tawi. Hingin at pakinggan natin ang kanilang mga hinaing at hangad na maginhawa, masagana, at mapayapang buhay. At siguraduhin nating makakarating ang kanilang tinig sa mga bubuo sa ating Saligang Batas. Ito na ang pagkakataon. O mas maganda pa, tulungan natin silang maparating mismo sa ating mga pinuno at sa mga gagawa ng ating bagong Saligang Batas ang kanilang sitwasyon at kahilingan. We must transcend our limitations, know about our countrymen, speak out, and be heard.

There have been many debates for the past few hours, and let’s admit it for the past few years, about the seven-point plan: restructuring government, distributing powers, reforming the electoral system, broadening the inclusiveness of growth, promoting social equity and equality, strengthening accountability and integrity, and safeguarding territorial integrity and peace and order. All discussions have yielded various insights and solutions that merit further study and debate. Maybe changes in our present electoral system will lead to opening up the venues of power for those who do not have the family or star-quality names or resources but have the best intentions and best actions for the good of our people. Perhaps the reforms can go hand in hand with each other. Maybe a change in the system and distribution of powers will lead to a more responsive government, speeding much needed social services, finally strengthening the periphery or the rural areas, and weeding out corruption and patronage once and for all.

Although I feel strongly in favor of certain features for the new fundamental law of the land, I cannot impose what the youth as a whole and what 100 million Filipinos should think and accept is necessary. Wala po sa kamay ng iisang o iilang tao, o sa iisa o iilang pamilya lamang ang mga sagot sa mga hamon sa  Pilipinas. Pero ano ba ng mga hamon natin? Paano ba natin sila masosolusyonan? Masasagot lamang natin ang mga tanong na ito kung makikilahok ang bawat Pilipino. Binanggit ko na kanina ang malalaking isyu, pero hindi lang iyan. Napakarami pang mga problema na naghihintay lang na mabigyang-pansin, mapagkabit-kabit, at mabigyang-tugon. Hindi dapat maging hadlang ang ating edad, pinagmulan, napag-aralan, at katayuan sa buhay sa pagbabalangkas ng panibagong Konstitusyon na magiging malaking hakbang para matugunan ang mga hinaing at adhikain ng bayan.

It must be the duty of each Filipino to think, to study, to propose, and to fight for the constitutional reforms they believe would be for the betterment of the Philippines in the long term.

Huwag nating hayaan ang pagkakataong ito na lumipas, habang busilak ang intensyon ng mga tumatawag ng pagbabago, habang wala naman sa kanila ang naghahangad ng kapangyarihan sa susunod na halalan. Bagkus, pang-matagalan at para sa lahat ng Pilipino ang kanilang pinaninidigan at pinaglalaban.

Tayo na kabataan! Tayo na mga Pilipino, yakapin ang kinabukasang para sa atin at mga susunod na salinlahi. Ialay natin ang ating dunong, galing, at higit sa lahat, dangal. Mabuhay at maraming salamat!

[1] http://www.gov.ph/1986/03/25/proclamation-no-3-s-1986-2/

[2] Read here.

Clarifications on the article “UP’s top grad takes a dig at PNoy, Binay, joins Puno’s Cha-cha”

While they have not yet been posted on the article itself, I post these points here in my blog in the interim. I have already sent these on 21 July to the author, who I respect and admire greatly, and I hope that these be included as they are worded here at the end of the article.

These points are based on my and my sister’s recollections of the interview, which I wrote down as soon as I arrived home.

  1. I only knew about the existence of the summit or the Bagong Sistema, Bagong Pag-Asa Movement on 10 July (not last June before graduation) when my UP batch mate, Jerome dela Cruz, invited me to speak and participate for tomorrow’s summit.
  2. I was not able to hear Chief Justice Puno’s speech in Malate when the movement was launched last 6 June (not May). I only read his speech as sent to me by Jerome (and is available here).
  3. The quote attributed to me in the article, “I learned a lot inside Malacanang,” he said, of his ring-side view of the working style inside the Palace, “including (lessons showing) that the President’s ‘daang matuwid’ is not that straight, after all.” made it appear that I learned from my experiences in the Presidential Management Staff (PMS) that the President’s path was not that straight. I did not learn that from the PMS. Rather, I realized it way after and despite my time in PMS, by carefully studying and analyzing the present situation of our country and its direction. What I learned in PMS is the burdensome nature of work for supplying papers and briefings to the Presidency, which I mentioned during the interview, and the need for due diligence. No one from the PMS gave me that impression. I apologize for any bad faith imputed to the PMS and to everyone at the Economic Policy Office (where I was assigned) by the quote attributed to me.

Emir Mendoza

Towards a Rizal model of governance

Dr. José Rizal (1861-1896) was a “Filipino nationalist, novelist, poet, ophthalmologist, journalist, and revolutionary…, widely considered as one of the greatest heroes of the Philippines” (from Wikipedia). This post, non-verbatim, formed part of the requirements for Philippine Institutions 100 (Life and Works of Rizal) under Dr. Ma. Crisanta Flores, First Semester AY 2014-15.

This post is intended to be in a perpetual work in progress, to be revised as new details and interpretations of Rizal emerge.

This post initially appeared on the 118th anniversary of Rizal’s martyrdom (1896), 30 December 2014.

From his life and writings, and the subsequent interpretations of these by various scholars and writers, three models of governance can be attributed to Dr. Rizal. For the sake of discussion, “governance” here is defined as the relationship between the state, the private sector, and civil society.

In his essay “Elias: The Ethics of a Revolution”,  Adrian Cristobal wrote, “There is only one acceptable society: founded on the dialogue between man and the state, between authority and freedom.” This implies a harmonious relationship between the ruler and the ruled,. Cristobal added that the absence of this dialogue justified a revolution, “…it must be made to exist. Ergo: Revolution.”

Renato Constantino paints Rizal as a limited Filipino, limited primarily by his social class, in his seminal essay “Veneration Without Understanding.” He argued that the reformists including Rizal “wanted accommodation within the existing system,” quoting a portion of Rizal’s letter to Blumentritt:

….under the present circumstances, we do not want separation from Spain. All that we ask is greater attention, better education, better government employees, one or two representatives and greater security for our persons and property. Spain could always win the appreciation of the Filipinos if she were only reasonable!

This reading of Rizal implies that his model of governance is state-centered, with reforms coming from above. The ruled in turn are passive or at most active only in seeking for reforms. Constantino wrote, “…[Rizal] instinctively underestimated the power and the talents of the people [in condemning the Revolution],” rooting this to his ilustrado background.

Floro Quibuyen goes against Constantino’s view of Rizal in his book Rizal: A Nation Aborted (While not from the book exactly, Quibuyen’s arguments on Rizal can be read here). He states that the premises used by Constantino and the prevailing Rizal orthodoxy stems from faulty interpretations of the national hero (as being “merely a reformist”) that can be traced to Wenceslao Retana and Trinidad Pardo de Tavera and perpetuated by the Americans to justify their rule over the Philippines in the early 1900s. Quibuyen asserts that the documentary evidence and statements of Rizal’s contemporaries show that Rizal was a revolutionary. Quibuyen rebuked Constantino for omitting the portion before the letter to Blumentritt quoted above, which reads:

A peaceful struggle shall always be a dream, for Spain will never learn the lesson of her South American colonies. Spain cannot learn what England and the United States have learned. But, under the present circumstances, we do not want separation from Spain. All that we ask is greater attention, better education, better government employees, one or two representatives and greater security for our persons and property. Spain could always win the appreciation of the Filipinos if she were only reasonable!

For Quibuyen, this meant Rizal was no longer interested in petitioning Spain for reforms in the Philippines, foremost of which included freedom of the press and representation in the Spanish parliament. Rather, Rizal believed that revolution was not a question of if but that of when.

With regard to Rizal’s model of governance, Quibuyen explicitly states in chapter 6 of Rizal: A Nation Aborted that Rizal favored a nation-as-civil society against the nation-state. The nation Rizal envisioned, according to Quibuyen, was not rooted on the principle of sovereignty (which eradicated the political obligation of the ruler to the ruled, resulting in vox imperium, vox populi) but instead on the principle of vox populi, vox Dei (where the state is obliged to ensure that the people reach their self-fulfillment, and that the people have the duty to keep the state in check). This nation is rooted on the basis of a shared language and culture (rather than descent) and on principles of justice and equality. Quibuyen traces this to the works of German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder, to the Judeo-Christian tradition from which Rizal was not able to distance himself, and in practice to the aims of his failed Sandakan project and the Liga Filipina, and Rizal’s community in Dapitan.

Quibuyen’s interpretation of Rizal may also be linked to Father John Schumacher’s reading of the Noli me tangere. In his essay “The Noli Me Tangere as Catalyst of Revolution”, Schumacher said, “[Rizal’s] revolutionary goal was to create a nation of Filipinos conscious of their human and national dignity and ready to sacrifice themselves to defend it.” Thus, the people are active participants in this model of governance, winning freedom by deserving it, by “sacrificing and working” (in the words of Padre Florentino in the Fili).

In summary, the models of governance that can be linked to Rizal involves: 1) harmony between all players; 2) opposition, with the state above civil society and the private sector; and 3) opposition, with the civil society and the private sector above the state.

Walkthrough: A Dangerous Life

UPDATE (April 16, 2016): If you are looking for a film about the People Power Revolution, I highly recommend this documentary instead. I don’t recommend A Dangerous Life.

A Dangerous Life is originally a miniseries that aired on HBO (long before they made full-fledged series like Game of Thrones). It focuses on the last three years of Ferdinand Marcos’ rule in the Philippines. It was later edited into a 162-minute film. The story follows fictional American journalist Tony O’Neil (played by Gary Busey), as he covers the events following the assassination of Ninoy Aquino up to the People Power Revolution. (Reviews of A Dangerous Life can be found here and here.)

This post is a walkthrough of the movie, as uploaded in YouTube. Since some scenes were cut in the movie version, I point out where these cut scenes are supposed to appear and describes or shows them (as the case may be).

Watch the movie below while following my commentary.

00:08 “I am returning to the Philippines because my country is now in crisis.” The film starts with the interview of Ninoy in Taipei on the eve of his death. He had chosen to stop by different countries on the way home from Boston to elude any Marcos spies. After warning the interviewer of his impending demise, he states “so this is the danger.” Cue title card.

00:40 Imelda Marcos (played by Tessie Tomas) enters the scene. Armed Forces chief-of-staff General Fabian C. Ver (played by Merwyn Samson) tells her of Ninoy’s arrival. “I warned him not to come back when I saw him in New York three months ago. (See also this, this, and this.) He wants to grab power,” Imelda warns Marcos (played by Ruben Rustia).

01:21 Tony steps out of the Manila Hotel, headed for his car. He knows of Ninoy’s arrival (after all, he was assigned to cover it), but no news of it appears in local newspapers. This early, I would like to point out that Tony is a forgettable character, and his story arc is overshadowed by the dramatizations of events following that fateful day on the Manila International Airport (MIA). Some people may have their issues with this strategy, but I believe the movie would have worked without Tony. After all, this premise is the reason A Dangerous Life has been compared with the 1982 film The Year of Living Dangerously (based on the book of the same name; they both follow the story of a fictional journalist, played by Mel Gibson, as he covers the failed coup against Sukarno of Indonesia in 1965).

02:30 We, the viewers, are treated with a view of Manila as Tony and his driver/cameraman go to the airport. If we did not know any better, we may have mistaken these 1980s scenes for 21st century Manila. In fact, every time I walk around Manila, the movie’s theme plays on my head.

04:27 Men in barong (MIBs, hehe) fetch Rolando Galman. A man in an Army uniform shakes his hand as he enters the car.

The Army man may allude to Pablo Martinez, former Philippine Air Force master sergeant, who was among those convicted for the Aquino assassination (read 1990 Sandiganbayan decision convicting Martinez and 15 others for the Aquino-Galman double murder and 10 dramatic lines from the Sandiganbayan ruling on the assassination of Ninoy).

In 1994, after becoming a born-again Christian, Martinez confessed that he brought Galman to MIA under orders from then Deputy Commander of the Aviation Security Command Colonel Romeo Ochoco (who disappeared after the People Power Revolution), then Philippine Constabulary Brigadier Gen. Romeo Gatan, and Herminio Gosuico, a businessman from Nueva Ecija who has ties with Danding Cojuangco. None of them were ever charged with regard to their roles in the killing. Meanwhile, Martinez walked free from prison in 2007 after he was pardoned by then-President Gloria Arroyo and died seven years later, on 07 May 2014, after he was hit by a sports utility vehicle while biking along Roxas Boulevard (see source; see also Interaksyon’s article on the Galmans 30 years after Rolando Galman’s death).

However, the filmmakers could not have known Martinez’s story since the film was released six years before that revelation. This scene may have been wishful thinking on their part.

05:34 “The very fact that we can land is victory enough.” Again, archive footage of Ninoy being interviewed on the way to Manila is shown (Longer footage here). From here, archive footage are interspersed with scenes shot for the film.

The film shows one version of the Aquino assassination. Another version (the government-sponsored one) blames Galman for shooting Ninoy. Yet another version states that Galman was dead even before being brought to the airport. An editorial cartoon from those days show Ninoy and Galman meeting in the afterlife. Galman says, “Naunahan pa kita rito” (“I have been here long before you came”).

09:00 Cory Aquino (played by Laurice Guillen) is awakened from a bad dream by a telephone call. The person on the other line, from Kyodo News Agency, asks for confirmation regarding rumors that Ninoy had been killed. In reality, it was Ballsy (Ninoy and Cory’s eldest child) who received this call (source).

09:47 Tony and fictional opposition journalist Ben Balamo (played by Jaime Fabregas) arrive at Malacanang Palace for a press conference a day after the assassination. The Marcos government blames Galman, called a Communist hitman, for killing Ninoy Aquino. Later, the US State Department clears Marcos from responsibility with the assassination, which Tony does not believe.

12:35 24 August 1983. Ninoy’s widow, Cory, arrives home with her two daughters. In this world, Ninoy and Cory only have two daughters (her three other children are not seen). After Cory says, “we will not rest until the people who ordered your father’s murder pays with their lives,” the film cuts to the mammoth funeral march to Manila Memorial Park. The series, however, shows Cory speaking at the funeral mass at Sto. Domingo Church (sorry no video). She says:

If my children and I appear to be brave during this, the most difficult period yet of our lives, it is because we know that this is what Ninoy would have expected of us.

And so today, I wish to thank all the Filipino men and women, young and old, who have demonstrated to me, to my children, to Ninoy’s mother and to his family, that Ninoy did not die in vain (read full eulogy here).

14:03 After Cory’s speech, the series proceeds to the funeral march. Once again, archive footage is mixed with Tony reporting about the march. Writing about the event 25 years later (or in 2008), then-Malaya columnist and editorial board member Eusebio S. San Diego described:

From the moment the funeral march started at past 10 a.m., throngs of people swelled in every corner and intersection, especially in the Mabuhay (formerly Welcome) Rotunda at the boundary of Manila and Quezon City, Quiapo, Liwasang Bonifacio, the old Congress building on P. Burgos Street, Rizal Park, US Embassy, Roxas Boulevard and Osmeña Avenue (formerly South Superhighway). When the procession reached the Magallanes interchange in Makati, the mammoth crowd was estimated as close to 2.5 million.

At the Sucat interchange on South Luzon Expressway, thousands of people were waiting for the arrival of Ninoy until the funeral procession reached the final resting place of the icon of democracy whose famous words before he was assassinated were: “Filipinos are worth dying for!” (source)

14:41 Tony convinces his boss to let him stay in Manila. He attends a dinner at the Balamo residence.

“Pinagsasayahan nila ang pagkamatay ni Ninoy.” Emilio (uncredited, but according to IMDb was played by Val Victa), Ben’s nephew says. He then tries to convince his sister Celie (played by Dina Bonnevie) to join him in protests against the dictatorship. He reminds her that their father “stood up to Marcos” and died because of it. Celie tells him, “I am not a Marxist, and I don’t believe in violence.”

Emilio replies, ” Well, I’m not either. Only Americans are stupid enough to think that everyone on the Left is a Marxist!” Ben reprimands his nephew and asks him to apologize to Tony. He does so, and Tony accepts it, “That’s okay. Not all Americans support Reagan.”

17:35 Tony then attends a Palace reception for a US Senator Hatfield. The first name is never given in the film, but Senator Hatfield most likely refers to then-US Senator Mark Hatfield from Oregon. The New York Times on August 30, 1983 reported that Senator Mark Hatfield was in Manila when the government announced that it had identified “Ninoy’s killer” as Galman: “President Marcos went on television today to reiterate his view that there had been a plot by leftist subversives. Speaking to a group of dignitaries that included Senator Mark O. Hatfield, Republican of Oregon, Mr. Marcos said the Communists were the only ones to benefit from the assassination” (source). In addition, another article from August 28, 1983 reports that Senator Mark Hatfield was bound for Manila to inspect military installations and visit Marcos (source).

Marcos, Senator Hatfield and his wife, and Imelda shake hands with the invited guests. Also among them is Imee Marcos (played by Jacinta Coehlo, her only role), the eldest child of the Marcoses. In this world (and like the Aquinos), the Marcoses only have one child. The others do not exist.

“Quite a few of my guests have headaches,” Imelda replies after Tony tells him that his beautiful young friend has a “headache”.

“These are anxious times, Mrs. Marcos,” Tony says. The US Ambassador also does not come, and sends his sincere apologies through Mike Heseltine (played by James Hardy). Mike, another fictional character, is working in the US Embassy in Manila. Tony’s boss had earlier advised Tony to talk to Mike “to get the real story” about the assassination. Unfortunately for Tony, Mike simply echoes the Marcos’ government’s story that Galman killed Aquino.

19:56 Marcos introduces his most trusted military men to Hatfield. Except for Metropolitan Command or Metrocom chief Prospero Olivas, these men were part of “Rolex 12”, so-called because all members supposedly received a Rolex watch from Marcos (see also: Before ‘Rolex’ 12, there was ‘Omega 5’)

20:31 Imelda sings “Feelings” to the party-goers. For those expecting “Dahil Sa Iyo”, she sings it later in the movie (in English) during the campaign scene. There’s not much information online about “Feelings”, except apparently that Imelda in exile recorded it in an album! A New York Times article in 1989 reports:

Imelda Marcos has released her first record album, on which she sings her husband’s favorite love songs. Her producer says a music video is to follow. ”This is all so new too me, but it’s nice to be recognized for something positive, something beautiful, like music,” Mrs. Marcos said Sunday at a reception to promote the album, titled ”Imelda Papin Featuring Songs With Mrs. Imelda Romualdez Marcos.” … On the 12-song album, Mrs. Marcos sings four solos, ”Feelings” and three songs in the Tagalog, and a duet with Ms. Papin, who produced the album (source).

While Imelda sings, Marcos continues to blame the Communists for killing Ninoy. Talking to Hatfield, he says that despite “reforms” favoring the Communists, they have made the government “look bad” by the assassination.

22:04 Celie sings “Kailangan Kita” (original by Leah Navarro) to Tony. The two are in a relationship, in spite of Tony being already married (his wife enters the film later).

With regard to Dina Bonnevie’s role as Celie, the Wikipedia article for A Dangerous Life reads: “Though uncredited in the film, her performance was highly praised by Philippine media.” Whether or not those accolades translated to awards, I do not know.

Personally, I like least the parts of the film that deal with Tony’s personal life.

24:50 Tony’s report, painting an unflattering picture of Marcos and Imelda, airs on American television. The Palace picks it up via satellite, prompting Imelda to call Tony to the Palace.

The US has always stood by Marcos, until almost the bitter end. Only during the EDSA Revolution did US President Ronald Reagan realize that Marcos had to go.

25:35 The Manila Film Center, one of the most infamous legacies of Marcos rule. While the scaffolding of the then-under construction film center indeed collapsed on 17 November 1981, and workers were indeed buried alive, it is not known how many died nor whether or not their remains are entombed in the structure. This and this are good reads about the subject. You may also watch this i-Witness documentary from 2005, including what Imelda has to say about the tragedy.

26:23 The Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP). My professor on the Introductory to Political Science course told me (and my class) that the reason the CCP was built was to attract the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to set up its headquarters did. The gamble worked; to this day, the ADB headquarters is at Ortigas Avenue, Pasig City, Metro Manila, Philippines.

26:36 Smokey Mountain. The landfill no longer exists; future plans for the site include a Smokey Mountain Remediation and Development Project.

27:30 I wonder if scenes like this indeed happened to unfriendly journalists. And I wonder if Imelda really had someone to put her shoes on for her. If I weren’t doing this walkthrough, I would skip this part since it makes me cringe.

Imelda explains all those building projects. She said that she made Manila the greatest city for every Filipino. Before Marcos, the world looked down on the Philippines.

31:24 Tony calls his wife Angie. She tells him that she is headed to Manila. Of course, Tony is worried.

33:01 Imelda calls a press conference, to clear her and her husband’s name in the Aquino assassination.

34:48 Students protest in Mendiola calling Marcos to step down, two days after the press conference. Celie joins the protest, which ends in the shooting of protesters by snipers. Her brother Emilio is killed; Celie is arrested and taken to Fort Bonifacio (Yes, before it became the city for high society, Fort Bonifacio has a dark past. It was the prison camp for those arrested during the dictatorship, including Ninoy.)

I have not found any news articles regarding a protest rally ending on a shooting at Mendiola on 21 September 1983, or on any other day in Mendiola until Marcos fled. I am aware, however, of the Escalante massacre (on 20 September 1985, at the twilight of Marcos rule) and the Mendiola massacre of January 1987 (occurring eleven months after Cory Aquino assumed the presidency).

38:30 Seeing the carnage at Mendiola, Cory decides to join the marches at Makati with the middle class.

39:29 The military tortures Celie using the infamous silya elektrika, in an effort to gain information about the New People’s Army (NPA). Detainees throughout the dictatorship suffered such torture by the military. The culture of impunity was at its worst during Marcos’ rule. Yet, this same culture persists today.

The Bantayog ng mga Bayani Foundation honors those who fought, died and were martyred during Marcos’ rule: both well- and little-known. The list presently includes 226 names.

Back to the movie, this scene reminds me of the scene in Dekada ’70 where Jules (played by Piolo Pascual) is also tortured using the silya elektrika. 

40:19 Ben tells Tony about Celie’s arrest. Tony then asks Mike’s help to get her out. She was released.

43:16 Tony covers the rallies in Makati. The middle class, the businessmen who stayed silent when martial law was declared in 1972, has joined those demanding Marcos’ resignation.

43:43 Marcos announces the formation of the Agrava Fact-Finding Board. It succeeded an earlier fact-finding board, headed by then-Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, which met strong public disapproval.

The miniseries version has Tony interviewing Juan Ponce Enrile (played by Joonie Gamboa) for a short bit. When asked if he believed Galman killed Ninoy, Enrile says “no comment”, and leaves quickly. The miniseries version can be seen below (starting at 1:14 until 2:04):

44:31 By this time, Marcos had sidelined Enrile in favor of Ver. In response, Enrile started a movement that called for reforms in the military, and later planned to overthrow Marcos. We meet Colonel “Tiger” Tecson (played by Roy Alvarez), Colonel “Gringo” Honasan (played by Rez Cortez), and Lieutenant Colonel “Red” Kapunan (played by Johnny Delgado). Tiger is a fictional character, and only exists to serve as Angie’s love interest. (Yes, I am spoiling the film simply because I like least the plot about Tony and Angie.)

The three take their anger on a sign board with Marcos and the then-national motto “Isang bansa, isang diwa.” (In the movie: “One nation, one goal.”) I remember commenting on the video above five years ago: “Mas kamukha pa ni Ruben Rustia yung signboard kesa kay Marcos!”

45:49 Metrocom chief General Prospero Olivas and Ver face the Agrava Fact-Finding Board. By March 1984, the Agrava Board’s version of events had begun to contradict the government’s version of the Aquino killing (source).

48:19 Imelda presented to the Agrava Board a letter written by Ninoy in 1980. I cannot find details about this letter (if it indeed existed).

49:15 We are back to the Tony-Angie part of the movie. In a straight tone, Tony admits his relationship with Celie. Angie leaves Tony, but stays in Manila for her work.

51:20 A “expert” (whose identity I do not know) tells Tony that based on the video, Ninoy could not have been killed on the tarmac. The expert thinks Ver organized the plot, and tells Tony that “a ground engineer saw everything.”

The ground engineer then testified in a closed session of the Agrava Board that he saw a military man behind Ninoy shot him on the fourth step from the bottom. Whether or not this ground engineer existed I do not know. The 1990 Sandiganbayan ruling does not mention him.

55:34 The Agrava Board releases two reports on its probe of the Ninoy killing. The majority report identifies Ver as having a direct hand in the killings.

The 1990 Sandiganbayan ruling notes:

Justice Corazon Agrava, chairman, came out with a separate report on Oct. 24, 1984 which concluded that the murder was the result of a military conspiracy plotted by B/Gen. Luther A. Custodio, Sgt. Claro M. Lat, Sgt. Arnulfo de Mesa. Sgt. Felomino Miranda, CIC Rogelio Moreno, CIC Mario Lazaga and Sgt. Armando dela Cruz. The day following, however, the four other members of the Agrava Board made a separate report and disputed the findings of chairman Agrava in the sense that a greater number of military officers and men participated or were involved in the conspiracy and that Chief of Staff Fabian C. Ver and Metrocom Chief b/Gen. Prospero Olivas, were in on the conspiracy.”

Ver and 25 others were charged before the Sandiganbayan as a result. They were cleared of all charges in 1985 (seen later in the movie). In 1986, the Supreme Court ordered a retrial. By 1990, the Sandiganbayan had convicted 16 of the accused, excluding Ver who had fled in 1986.

56:26 The Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) boys – Honasan, Kapunan, and fictional Tiger – believe Ver would be acquired. Angie then captures Tiger’s eyes.

Honasan suggests that they should protest.

57:19 Celie tells Tony she no longer believes in non-violence, that she no longer wanted Tony in her life, and that she was joining the NPA. Tony tells Ben to stop her, but it is too late.

From here comes Tony’s most memorable line for me, “Your goddamn country’s like a gangster movie!”

My favorite line from Ben also comes from here. Replying to Tony, he says, “It’s really not that bad, Tony. You must understand. We’ve had 400 years of Spanish Catholicism and 50 years of Hollywood!” (I think it’s longer than 50 years.)

1:00:22 Marcos is furious when Honasan, et al. tell him about RAM. He believes that the movement is an attack on him, and that he would not tolerate it. “There must be no dissent in the Armed Forces. None!”

1:02:32 Tiger brags about RAM to Mike (and to the US Embassy, by extension). However, Mike stresses that Marcos should stay.

1:03:13 Imelda brings Marcos a newspaper reporting that he only has a few months to live. His physician is later stabbed to death and thrown in the swimming pool at his house. Again, I do not know if this really happened.

1:04:50 Marcos announces on American television that he is willing to hold a snap election. See real life video (from This Week with David Brinkley below):

After the interview with Marcos, the miniseries shows opposition leaders meeting at the Aquino residence. (See video below, from 1:43 to 3:05)

While Salvador “Doy” Laurel (played by Cris Vertido) stressed that he was the lone opposition candidate against Marcos, Joker Arroyo (played by Robert Talabis) tells Cory that they have gathered a million signatures for her. Joaquin “Chino” Roces led the Cory Aquino for President Movement, which collected 1.2 million signatures convincing Cory to challenge Marcos. (I remember two friends asking me on our way home whose statue is depicted at Mendiola. Yes friends, that was Chino Roces.)

The million signatures was one of Cory’s conditions before she agreed to run. The other condition was that Marcos should declare a snap election (source). The stage was set.

1:06:28 The Sandiganbayan clears all accused (Ninoy’s security escorts, Olivas, and Ver) for killing Ninoy. Ver is immediately reinstated into service. (See contemporaneous news articles from outside the Philippines here, here, and here. And yes, Ver did say “Thank God it’s all over” and was “all smiles” that day.)

1:07:33 Cory decides to run after seeing on television Ver’s acquittal. The film cuts a small portion from the miniseries in which Cory delivers the most powerful line for me, “If they want to stop, they’re going to have to kill me!” (See video below, from 4:24 to the end.)

According to this Montreal Gazette article, Cory indeed announced her intention to run on the day Ver was acquitted, “Aquino’s widow, Corazon, is expected to say this week if she will challenge Marcos in the Feb. 7 presidential election. She indicated yesterday that she will.”

1:07:49 Marcos tells Enrile that he wants a “maximum effort” from him, and that he wants three million votes.

1:08:26 Just when everything is heating up, we go back to the main plot (or the plot focusing on our fictional characters). Angie and Mike meet at a bar by accident, argue whether or not Cory can lead the country, laugh, and then Angie asks about Tony. Seriously, just skip this part.

1:11:28 “Cory admits Red support,” Marcos uses Cory’s blunder against her on the campaign trail.

1:11:50 Mike visits Tony, showing him The New York Times articles stating that Cory would declare a ceasefire with the Communists so that they could talk. Mike warns Tony to stop giving Cory “a free ride” (press publicity), lest the country fall into Communist hands. Mike says, “This is the Philippines. Guns, goons, gold. It’s a dangerous life.” (Does this still apply today, almost thirty years on?)

The New York Times articles I found do not mention a ceasefire with the Communists. What I found focus on whether or not Communists would be allowed to join Cory’s cabinet. See “AQUINO SAYS SHE WOULD PERMIT COMMUNISTS IN HER GOVERNMENT” from 3 January 1986 and “AQUINO SAYS COMMUNISTS WOULDN’T JOIN THE CABINET” (from 7 January, four days later.

1:13:03 Tony covers an NPA camp. The NPA stresses that “the poor and the oppressed would not benefit whoever wins” and that “Cory is a Cojuangco, one of the richest families in the Philippines. Can you imagine a Cojuangco giving their lands back to the peasants?” (cue Hacienda Luisita).

The Left’s decision to boycott the 1986 elections would prove to be a blow. Angela Stuart-Santiago, in Walang Himala: Himagsikan sa EDSA, wrote that on the fourth day of EDSA:

Alas-diyes kinse (10:15) ng gabi, habang kinakalas ng mga tao ang matitinik na alambre na nakabalot sa mga barikadang bakal sa Mendiola, nagsitayuan ang mga militanteng aktibista ng Kaliwa, nagdikit-dikit, at nagsialis. Tanong ni Gus Miclat: “Bakit sila umalis at nag-disperse? Bakit hindi sila nanguna o sumama sa mga tao na sumakop sa Malakanyang?”

“Isaalang-alang sana ang kalagayan ng marami sa hanay ng Kaliwa,” sabi ni Romeo Candazo. “Nang pumunta sila sa EDSA, ang tumambad sa kanila ay mga mukha ng mga sundalo na nag-torture sa kanila. Mabigat na trip, pero tiniis nila.

Hindi lamang iyon ang problema ng Kaliwa. Nandoon din iyong pagkaka-boykot nila sa snap elections na nagbigay-daan sa civil disobedience campaign ni Cory na nauwi sa drama ng People Power sa EDSA. Hindi kasi nila akalaing ganoon na lang ang hatak ng biyudang walang alam, at lalong ‘di nila akalaing madadala ng burgis na si Cory ang taong-bayan sa bingit ng himagsikan nang walang armas. Tuloy, ang Kaliwa ay hindi naka-eksena nang husto sa EDSA. Nakibaka nga sa mga Coryista ang marami sa kanila pero bilang pangkaraniwang mamamayan lang, hindi bilang komunista. Mas masaklap, saling-pusa na nga lang sila, na-bad trip pa sila sa mga repormistang militar na tumugis at nag-torture sa kanila noong panahon ng batas militar. Kayâ nga yata sila nagmadaling umalis sa Mendiola noong nakalayas na si Marcos (source).

Tony then sees Celie. “I hope you show them the truth,” she tells him.

1:15:12 Another Marcos campaign rally. As Marcos and Imelda sing “Dahil sa Iyo” in English (I told you they would sing it here), two people shouting anti-Marcos slogans are shot at the back of their heads.

Ruben Rustia’s Marcos looks healthier than the real Marcos. That is my biggest issue with regard to Marcos’ portrayal in this miniseries-turned-movie. An article from the Los Angeles Times  from January 1986 describes Marcos’ condition:

Reports from the Philippines said Marcos appears tired from the election campaign. He is often carried by aides to his campaign appearances and sometimes is propped up during speeches.

The Washington Post said Marcos, 68, “is so weakened” that he has had to cut back on his out-of-Manila campaign dates because of his failing health.

The newspaper said Marcos has already survived bouts with lupus, but each time has recovered to a “lower plateau.”

Failing health could seriously hamper Marcos in his bid to retain the presidency he has held for the past 20 years.

Yet, during his exile in Hawaii, Marcos wanted to prove that he was still strong enough to come back home and lead his people again. (Watch this newscast from 1987 , from 5:33 to 7:23.)

1:16:08 Cory unleashes her chip against Marcos. “I admit that I have no experience in cheating, stealing, lying, or assassinating political opponents.” (The real Cory says it better, no offense to Guillen.)

Another memorable line from the real Cory’s presidential campaign is in the video below:

1:16:28 Tony and Ben find out about The New York Times article stating that Marcos’ war medals were fake. It is not available on The New York Times website, but this series by Benjamin Maynigo of the Asian Journal from 2011 contain excerpts from the New York Times article (part 1, part 2, part 3, part 4).

1:17:45 Marcos asks (“orders” may be more appropriate) Ben to come to the Palace. (Again, Ben is only a fictional character.) Marcos warns Ben not to publish the war medals story on his paper, but he publishes it anyway. Again, I wonder if Marcos indeed talked to his opponents on midnight.

1:20:14 Tony reports on the election campaign. He reports that an international team would observe the election (read their findings here).

The film skips Cory’s miting de avance. The miniseries show Cory and Laurel and the crowd singing “Bayan Ko”. This is the only part of the miniseries that they sing the anthem of the opposition during those days, and they cut it out from the film. (Again, I am sorry I do not have a video for it.)

This video below shows an adequate overview of the 1986 snap elections: the country’s situation, and the personalities involved. (It does not cover the voting itself, and its results.)

1:21:17 7 February 1986. Filipinos troop to the polling precincts. As we have heard from our relatives, this election was one of the (if not the) most chaotic, violent, and dirty elections in Philippine history.

My mother first voted in this election, and violence erupted in the school where she voted. This incident is captured in the movie (at 1:22:10 – 1:22:27). Here are pictures from that event (from my family’s archives).

From the Villafuerte family archives (The physical copies were lost during Typhoon "Ondoy")

From the Villafuerte family archives (The physical copies were lost during Typhoon “Ondoy”)

From the Villafuerte family archives (The physical copies were lost during Typhoon "Ondoy")

From the Villafuerte family archives (The physical copies were lost during Typhoon “Ondoy”)

1:23:37 Cory is confident that she won the election, and has recorded her victory speech. Marcos, Imelda, and Ver listen to it in the Palace via Radio Veritas. Ver assures the President that “the votes are organized” and that the President would lead by at least a million votes. Marcos replies, “only a million?”

Cory’s speech can be read at its entirety here.

1:25:00 The Batasang Pambansa proclaims Marcos as the winner of the snap election.

Speaking of the election, where is Arturo Tolentino in this movie? Yet another historical inaccuracy.

When I visited the Presidential Museum and Library, I asked the tour guide whether or not we would really know who won the snap election. He simply told me that the original Batasan proclamation was nullified, in favor of a proclamation favoring Cory and Laurel. But I believe we may never know who won.

1:26:40 “…fraud occurring in both sides,” US President Reagan says on television. Tony is in disbelief. Meanwhile, Cory stresses to then-US Ambassador Stephen Bosworth (played by Michael Pate) that she won the election even with Marcos’ allegedly cheating.

1:28:15 Oh no, the plot! Obviously not on good terms, Tony and Angie talk to each other. Tiger butts in. Tony asks how Tiger and the military can continue to take orders from “an asshole with fake medals on his chest”. Tiger replies, “As long as the President is the commander-in-chief, we are obliged to take orders from him.”

Tiger later uses Tony’s line to convince Major Edgardo Doromal (played by Pen Medina) to join the RAM. (Oh, the irony! But without the “asshole”.) Doromal turns against RAM, and squeals about the coup to Marcos and Ver.

1:32:22 Tiger asks for tanks from Mike (and the US Embassy). Mike refuses and warns him of a civil war “where the Communists would be the only winners.

Olivas then warns Ben to leave the country, showing him a list of people (including Ben) who would be arrested when Operation/Oplan Everlasting is put into place. Oplan Everlasting indeed existed (see thisthis, this, and this).

1:35:35 Horrified by the NPA attack on a military car, Celie decides to leave the NPA and return to Manila. This chain of events leads to the saddest part of the film, which I leave for you to watch for yourself.

1:36:23 Cory’s camp gets word that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines would be issuing a statement condemning the election. Imelda does too, and tries in vain to convince Cardinal Jaime Sin (played by Rolando Tinio) not to release the statement.

Cardinal Sin saw himself as a “critical collaborator”.  A part of a New York Times article from 2005, after Sin’s death, reads:

Sin came to high office in the early days of Marcos’s martial law government and long saw himself less as an opponent of the regime and more as a “critical collaborator,” willing to make critical comments and to oppose Imelda Marcos on such issues as allowing the sale of condoms in corner stores. But he accepted the reality that Marcos was the head of state.

See also this video, on Marcos’ home movies, after Marcos fled in 1986:

1:41:48 Cory holds her victory rally, asking everyone to protest on the day of Marcos’ inauguration and to boycott products and services of crony-owned enterprises. (Guillen’s Cory does not mention San Miguel here, but the real Cory asked her supporters to boycott San Miguel products.)

Angela Stuart-Santiago wrote about the effect of the boycott:

Wala pang isang linggo mula nang unang manawagan ng boykot si Cory, may P1.78 billion na lahat-lahat ang nawi-withdraw sa Philippine National Bank at crony banks, pinakamalaki ang Security Bank & Trust Company, Republic Planters Bank, at Traders Royal Bank. Unang-unang nag-withdraw ng pera nila ang simbahang Katoliko; sa Union Bank, 12% agad ito ng deposit base. Samantala, dinagsa ng bagong depositors ang Bank of the Philippine Islands, Metropolitan Bank and Trust Company, at Citibank. Kulelat bigla sa benta ang Bulletin Today; waging-wagi ang Philippine Daily Inquirer, Malaya, at The Manila Times. Walang tao sa Rustan’s; nasa SM Shoemart, Anson’s, at Robinson’s ang mga mamimili.

Salamat sa biyuda ni Ninoy, kakaiba na noon ang ihip ng hangin. Mapanghimagsik na ang timpla ng taongbayan, punong-puno bigla ng pag-asa, sabik sa mga naamoy na pagbabago, noong bisperas ng EDSA (source).

1:43:19 Enrile asks how many are committed to join the RAM. Honasan tells him only 30 percent are sure.

1:45:55 Ver informs Marcos that the coup would take place on Sunday, 23 February. Marcos tells them, “By Sunday, Johnny Ponce Enrile is finished! Be sure of it.” Unfortunately, for Marcos, he won’t be able to finish off Enrile.

Before Ver enters, Marcos is reading The Philippine Daily Inquirer, with the headline “Cory: Seven steps to bring down Marcos”. This newspaper is from 17 February 1986. This blog post details the other articles on the Inquirer from that day.

The Palace is fortified an anticipation. Enrile and RAM are doomed. Enrile tells the RAM to move to Aguinaldo, and to get the bishops’ support. He then gets Armed Forces Vice Chief of Staff General Fidel Ramos (played by Ray Ventura) to join them.

1:49:06 Angie calls Tony. In the middle of their phone call, Angie hears a radio report saying Enrile and Ramos have defected from Marcos and tells Tony.

1:50:07 RAM fortifies Camp Aguinaldo. Enrile calls Cory to tell her that they have broken from Marcos, and asks for her help. She offers her prayers. Later, she tells Joker the pain she had to endure when Ninoy was arrested because of Enrile. “And now, I’m praying for him.”

1:53:40 “The President of 1986 is not the same President who we pledged our loyalty to.” Ramos and Enrile hold the historic press conference where they announce their defection (transcript). In the Palace, Imelda orders Marcos to wipe them out.

The news bulletins from Radio Veritas during the People Power Revolution, including the bulletin on the press conference, are available at Interaksyon.

1:54:21 Cory and the nuns at the Carmelite convent pray, as she promised Enrile. Meanwhile, Marcos and Ver plan their strategy to attach Camp Aguinaldo.

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The blackboard with the map of Camp Aguinaldo and the presumed strength of RAM forces is preserved at the Presidential Museum and Library. The blogger and his co-interns at the Presidential Management Staff stand beside it, in this photo by Mary Chastine Reyes, 28 May 2014.

1:56:27 Enrile and Ramos call Cardinal Sin. They ask the Cardinal for his help, to ask the people to help them.

1:58:05 US Ambassador Bosworth calls Marcos, telling him that the latest developments should not lead to a shooting match.

1:58:34 Ramos talks to Olivas, asking for his support. Ramos then moves to Camp Crame to check on its defenses.

2:00:20 Agapito “Butz” Aquino (played by Freddie Santos) comes to Enrile’s office and offers his support. Enrile asks Butz to call for people to come to the two camps. Butz goes on Radio Veritas to reiterate Enrile’s request. (The movie does not show Cardinal Sin making the same plea on air.)

Soon, the people come. And we see the scenes that characterize EDSA: families coming to the aid of the military, bringing them food, the festive mood, and so on.

Angela Stuart-Santiago has a comprehensive account of those four days. Read them either in English or in Filipino.

2:03:03 Marcos orders Ver to attack once the civilians are cleared. Ver suggests that they talk first with the rebels to determine their positions. Marcos then demands that Radio Veritas be taken off the air.

This is as ill as Rustia’s Marcos can get. He drinks medicine, his hands marked with bandages. There are no indications of his kidneys failing, his

2:03:40 Second day of EDSA: 23 February 1986. Marcos stresses on television that he will not resign, and that he will release artillery on the two camps to finish Enrile, Ramos, and RAM.

2:05:37 Cardinal Sin goes on air via Radio Veritas, appealing for non-violence.

2:06:48 Marcos tells Imelda that there are a million people on EDSA. Imelda tries to reassure him that the Philippines would not settle for a “housewife” as President, to no avail. Marcos storms off, goes to Ver’s office, and orders him to move.

2:07:57 Loyalist troops arrive at EDSA to invade the camps.

2:09:13 Cory brushes off a rumor that a hit squad would assassinate her in Manila. Cory returns from Cebu.

2:10:18 Loyalist tanks move toward the camps. The people at EDSA, including nuns an an old woman (played by veteran actress Mona Lisa), block their path and ask Brigadier General Artemio A. Tadiar, Jr. (played by Felindo Obach) not to proceed.

By the way, this scene was shot in Sri Lanka. Notice the many Sri Lankans in the background.

2:15:14 Sikorsky helicopters appear on the sky and land on Camp Aguinaldo. Enrile, Ramos, and RAM (“the rebels” from now on) are scared. Led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo (led by Joe Gruta), the 15th Striker Wing defects.

In reality, this happened on the third day, 24 February 1986.

2:18:10 Enrile and Ramos speak to the public, with Ramos making his famous jump.

2:18:41 In her only appearance in the movie, June Keithley (played by Odette Khan) introduces listeners of Radyo Bandido to Cory. She recounts the news that Marcos had fled (which turned out to be false) and announces that she would be sworn in as the President on the next day. Marcos is enraged as he listens to her announcement.

2:19:35 “I’m still very much in control!” These were the last words Marcos made on Channel 4. The signal is then cut off; the rebels take the station. Col. Sotelo then launches an air assault on the Palace.

Before Marcos asserts that he is still in control, the miniseries shows his moro-moro with General Ver. I do not have a video of that scene, but audio of the actual moro-moro is available here.

Later in the miniseries, Marcos appears on Channel 9 saying that the rebels wanted to harm his family and have taken over Channel 4. He then announces a curfew, which everyone in EDSA ignores.

2:20:45 The US has finally realized that Marcos must go. Ambassador Bosworth tells Marcos that a peaceful transition of power must come. Marcos and Imelda initially resist, but they start packing anyway.

2:22:33 Meanwhile, Cory confides to Cardinal Sin that she could not let Ver go.

2:23:16 Imelda asks that she be connected to Nancy Reagan.

US Senator Paul Laxalt (played by Peter Gwynne) then calls Marcos, telling him the now-famous, “I think you should cut, and cut cleanly. I think the time has come.” Marcos looks tired, his eyes red.

2:25:20 Cory is sworn in as President of the Philippines. In the miniseries, Cory announces her first appointments: Laurel as Prime Minister, Enrile as Minister of Defense, and Ramos as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces.

The miniseries does not show Marcos’ inauguration, but it shows Tony and his cameraman trying to get in the Palace grounds as the loyalists shout “Marcos, Marcos, Marcos, pa rin!”

Cory was sworn in at Club Filipino, San Juan (Here’s a video of the end of her inauguration ceremony, the singing of “Bayan Ko.”)

Marcos was sworn in at the Maharlika Hall, now part of the Presidential Museum and Library.

Museum1

A tour guide in the Presidential Museum and Library holds a picture from 25 February 1986 showing a defiant Marcos addressing the loyalists after his oath-taking. A few hours later, Marcos would flee the country, never to return alive again. The oath-taking took place at the Maharlika Hall (since renamed Kalayaan Hall, see background). Photo courtesy of Kyle Alexis Cayabyab, 28 May 2014.

2:26:07 Marcos and Imelda continue packing: gowns, paintings, money, gold. Imelda gives jewelry to her employees as parting gifts.

As they cross the Pasig River, Ver brags, “We should have bombed them on that first day. Things would have been different.” Later, when ordered to surrender his gun, he says, “Don’t fuck with me!”

After the First Family and their guards leave, Tony and his cameraman enter the Palace. They capture Marcos’ medicines, films (Rise and Fall of the Third Reich and Aphrodisius’ Diary, both most likely fictional), and Imelda’s three thousand pairs of shoes. (This is a good article from Rappler about the shoes.)

2:34:04 “They’re gone!” Cory tells her advisers after US Ambassador Bosworth tells her of Marcos’ departure. “We better get some sleep. We got a lot to do tomorrow,” she tells them. They reply, “Good night, Madam President!”

2:35:16 Protesters storm the Palace. Many throw out papers and portraits of Marcos and Imelda, but others are dancing, celebrating  the end of Marcos’ 20-year rule.

Throughout the movie, Mike stresses that Marcos cannot go. Now that Marcos is gone, Tony rubs in reality on Mike’s face. Tony and Angie reconcile, and they live happily ever after…well except for the Hawaii-bound Imelda, who sings “New York, New York!”

2:39:26 As the movie started with archival footage, it ends also with archival footage. The real Cory Aquino speaks before the US Congress:

Three years ago, I left America in grief to bury my husband, Ninoy Aquino. I thought I had left it also to lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine freedom. Today, I have returned as the president of a free people (full speech here).

THE END

Other scenes from the miniseries that were cut in the film: Tiger and Angie watching a cockfight, the assassination of Antique Governor Evelio Javier, and Enrile visiting Javier’s funeral while vowing to avenge him.

Blogger’s note: You won’t get away from watching the film just by reading this walkthrough.

This is my first walkthrough, but it won’t be the last. I plan to do the German films Good Bye Lenin! or Der Untergang, or Fox Animation Studios’ Anastasia, or Amadeus in the far future. Comments? Suggestions? Feel free to leave them here. Please?